The Gibi Line’s Demonstration Experiment Reveals ‘Economic Impact Below 40%’—The Gap Between Riding and Using

The Passengers Came, But They Didn't Get Off in the Town A demonstration experiment conducted on a section of the JR Gi

By Rei

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The Passengers Came, But They Didn’t Get Off in the Town

A demonstration experiment conducted on a section of the JR Gibi Line, which runs through northern Hiroshima Prefecture—including the segment between Bingo-Shohara and Bichu-Kamiyama, known for having one of the lowest transport densities in the country—has brought to light a stark reality. The economic impact of the experiment fell below 40% of the initial estimates.

Passenger numbers increased. People boarded the trains. However, for these individuals, the purpose was merely to ‘ride’ the train, and it did not translate into ‘using’ the local towns for shopping, dining, or overnight stays. This outcome highlights a frequently overlooked question in discussions about the sustainability of transportation infrastructure: “Increasing the number of passengers” and “stimulating the local economy” are not the same issue.

This gap is not unique to the Gibi Line. In Hiroshima Prefecture, multiple transportation infrastructures—including highways, buses, and mixed-use facilities—are currently in operation. When we examine these initiatives side by side, common structural challenges emerge.

What Happened Between ‘Riding’ and ‘Consuming’?

The demonstration experiment on the Gibi Line was conducted within the framework of a reconstruction council, aiming to re-evaluate the role of railways as a means of local transportation and to gather materials for decisions regarding its sustainability. Various measures to promote usage were implemented, including increased train services, the introduction of special tickets, and coordination with local events.

As a result, a certain increase in passenger numbers was observed during the experiment. However, when aggregating consumption amounts in the surrounding areas—such as dining, lodging, and purchasing souvenirs—it fell short of the anticipated economic impact by 60%.

Why is this the case? The report indicates that many of the passengers were so-called “rail enthusiasts” who visited primarily to ride the Gibi Line itself. They boarded the trains, enjoyed the views from the windows, and returned without stopping at local shops or tourist facilities. The pathways to engage with local businesses were not adequately designed within the system.

This issue reflects a deeper problem rather than merely a lack of effort from stakeholders. The transport density between Bingo-Shohara and Bichu-Kamiyama is estimated to be only a few dozen passengers per day. The absolute number of places where passengers can get off and ‘use’—such as restaurants, experiential facilities, and accommodations—is limited. The mechanisms to increase passenger numbers and to create spaces where they can spend time after disembarking should ideally be designed together. However, the framework of the demonstration experiment placed disproportionate emphasis on the former.

There is another step between ‘riding’ and ‘using’: creating reasons to get off. Who will take responsibility for this step, with what budget, and on what timeline? The demonstration experiment has made this question visible through numbers.

Hiroshima Expressway No. 5—Another Face of ‘Connecting’ Infrastructure

While the Gibi Line faces the challenge of “passengers arrived, but they didn’t get off in the town,” another transportation infrastructure is taking shape in Hiroshima City.

Hiroshima Expressway No. 5 is an urban expressway approximately 4 km long that connects the north exit of Hiroshima Station with the Onomichi area in the eastern district. A completion image video of the route, which includes the Futabayama Tunnel, has been released, and the expected time-saving effects after its opening are beginning to be demonstrated concretely. Improvements in access to the city center are anticipated in conjunction with the redevelopment around Hiroshima Station.

Here, it is worth pausing to consider the contrast between Expressway No. 5 and the Gibi Line. The expressway delivers a clear benefit of “reducing travel time” to those who use it daily for commuting, schooling, and business. For users, the act of riding and using the infrastructure is inherently aligned from the start. The purpose is not the act of moving itself, but the work and life that lie beyond the journey.

The struggles of the Gibi Line’s demonstration experiment reflect the inverse of this structure. In a section where everyday travel demand is extremely low, attempting to attract non-regular visitors means that ‘riding’ and ‘using’ do not naturally connect. Intentional mechanisms are required to bridge this gap.

What the Delay of the Mobility World Reflects

It has been announced that the opening of the “Hiroshima Mobility World,” planned for the former Marina Hop site in Hiroshima’s Nishi Ward, has been postponed to spring 2028. This complex facility aims to redefine mobility itself as entertainment, centered around the exhibition and experience of various vehicles.

The delay is attributed to rising construction costs and a review of the design, but here too, the relationship between ‘riding’ and ‘using’ is under scrutiny. How will a facility that offers mobility experiences connect to regional circulation and consumption? The attraction of the facility alone and its ripple effects on the local economy require separate design considerations.

Marina Hop once faced similar issues regarding location and circulation. If there is no ‘next destination’ surrounding the facility, consumption will be confined within the facility itself, failing to extend to the region. To ensure that the Mobility World does not repeat the same mistakes, it is necessary to design not only the content within the facility but also the external aspects—surrounding pathways, transportation connections, and local reception.

Whether the time gained from the delay can be used for this design remains to be seen. It is worth paying attention to the potential behind the fact of the postponement.

The 50-Yen Bus Raises Questions About the ‘Next Step’

During the summer vacation period, a measure will be implemented across 298 bus routes in Hiroshima Prefecture, reducing bus fares for elementary school students to 50 yen. The aim is to encourage children’s mobility and, by extension, family outings—ultimately stimulating consumption.

What makes this initiative interesting is that by targeting children as the ‘riders,’ it shifts the structure of consumption to the ‘parents’ who accompany them. When a child expresses a desire to “ride the bus,” the parent follows along. If the parent accompanies them, the possibility of opening their wallet at the destination arises. The design allows for the riders and the consumers to be different individuals.

The 298 routes cover a significant portion of the bus network in Hiroshima Prefecture. With such extensive reach, it is possible to generate flows of people not only to specific tourist destinations but also to everyday commercial areas.

However, whether this will end up being a one-time event or a long-term cultivation of the habit of children using public transportation depends on the design of the initiative. As long as the 50-yen fare remains a special measure for the summer vacation, it is uncertain whether there will be lasting changes in usage behavior after September. To establish this as a system, it is necessary to design not only the price but also the experience after riding.

From ‘Riding’ to ‘Using’—The Essence of the Absence of Mechanisms

When we compare the Gibi Line’s demonstration experiment, Expressway No. 5, the Mobility World, and the 50-yen bus, we find that despite differing angles, the questions they encounter are the same.

Transportation infrastructure cannot support the region merely by ‘carrying’ people.

The number of passengers serves as a basis for survival for transportation operators. However, the value for the region lies in the entire flow of where the passengers get off, what they do, how much they spend, and whether they return. The entity responsible for designing that flow remains ambiguous within the current system.

Railway operators run trains. Local governments provide subsidies. Tourist associations create brochures. Shopping districts independently hold sales. Each entity operates within its own domain, but who is responsible for designing the bridge from ‘riding’ to ‘using’ as a whole? This is where the gap in mechanisms lies.

The framework of the reconstruction council is designed as a venue to discuss the sustainability of the railway. However, what the Gibi Line’s demonstration experiment has shown is that before deciding whether to keep the railway, there is a question of “if we keep it, how do we create a state of usage?” To answer that question, another blueprint that crosses transportation, commerce, tourism, and urban development is needed.

Postscript

The figure of ‘economic impact below 40%’ may initially appear as a report of failure. However, the significance lies in the fact that this number was produced. If we had only looked at passenger numbers, the experiment might have been reported as a ‘success.’ It is precisely because we pursued consumption that the gap between riding and using became visible in the numbers.

The visible gap is one that can be filled.

The issue lies in the fact that it has not yet been decided who will take responsibility for filling that gap. When discussions about transportation and local economies come to the same table, the demonstration experiment of the Gibi Line will have quietly laid one leg of that table.

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